2015考研英语阅读英文原刊《经济学人》权贵们与飞机制造业

　　2015考研英语复习正是强化复习阶段，考研英语阅读在考研英语中占了40分，所以考研英语阅读是英语科目中重要的一项。新东方名师范猛老师曾建议过考研生需要坚持每天泛读10-15分钟的英文原刊。强烈推荐了杂志《经济学人》.杂志中的文章也是考研英语的主要材料来源.希望考研考生认真阅读，快速提高考研英语阅读水平。

　　Fat cats and corporate jets

　　权势大亨们和飞机制造企业

　　Why is it so unrewarding for politicians to bash therich in America?

　　为什么美国政客都不愿意对富人进行打击呢?

　　Jul 7th 2011 | from the print edition

　　THE corporate jet gets a lousy press. In the James Bond classic, “Goldfinger”, the eponymousvillain is sucked out of the window of just such an aircraft. In 2008 the bosses of Detroit’smoribund car companies did themselves no favours when they flew in their gleaming jets toWashington, DC, to beg Congress for bail-outs (they drove the next time). And in his presentface-off with the Republicans over the federal debt ceiling, Barack Obama is bashing the jetsagain, because to the man in the street the corporate jet is a perfect proxy for a fat cat. “I’vesaid to Republican leaders, you go talk to your constituents and ask them, ‘Are you willing tocompromise your kids’ safety so some corporate-jet owner can get a tax break?’.”

　　私人飞机面临着大量的压力。在詹姆士•邦德经典电影《金手指》中，臭名昭著的恶棍就是从这样的飞机窗户中被吸出去的。2008年，底特律濒临倒闭的汽车企业的老板们飞往华盛顿请求国会给予应急措施时，他们乘坐的豪华飞机并没有给他们带来一丁点帮助(第二次是开车来的)。在他出席的与共和党关于政府债务限额问题的面对面会议中，巴拉克•奥巴马再一次猛烈抨击私人飞机，因为对于大街上的普通民众来说，私人飞机就是有钱肥猫的最佳代言人。“我已经对共和党领导人说过，你去问问你的选民们这样一个问题：‘你们愿意用孩子的安全作为代价来换取某些私人飞机的主人减税吗?’”

　　Needless to say, Mr Obama is now accused by the aircraft manufacturers of scapegoating asuccessful industry that employs more than a million Americans and by the Republicans oflaunching a populist “class war”. But this raises a question. If an authentic populist movementexists in the United States today, it is not composed of impoverished class warriors braying tosqueeze the rich until their pips squeak. It is the tea-party movement, whose crusade toslash taxes and pare government to the bone far outweighs whatever distaste it might feeltowards those magnificent fat cats in their flying machines.

　　不用说，私人飞机现在肯定指责奥巴马将一个提供超过一百万岗位的成功产业作为替罪羊，而且共和党会指责他发起了一个平民主义的“阶级斗争”。但这提出了一个问题，如果当今美国存在一个真正的平民运动，那么这将不包括那些尖叫着要将富人榨干的贫民阶级勇士们。这是茶党运动，其改革运动旨在减少税收和彻底精简政府，任何不喜欢茶党运动的都有可能倾向于飞机里的那些重要的大亨们。

　　Why is bashing the rich such an unpopular form of populism in America? The normal answerfalls back on culture. Bill Galston of the Brookings Institution notes that Americans are repelledby the notion of inequality in worth or status. That men are created equal is, after all, “self-evident”. They are, however, far less perturbed by unequal wealth, a form of inequality that isthe inevitable product of the free-market system in which most still profess an abiding faith.According to Tom Smith, director of the Centre for the Study of Politics and Society at theUniversity of Chicago, surveys still show Americans to be more sympathetic than Europeans tothe idea that unequal pay encourages people to work hard, for example, and less sympatheticto the idea that governments should try to smooth such inequalities out.

　　为何在美国抨击富人是非常不受欢迎的一种平民主义形式?常规的答案归根于文化，布鲁金斯学会的比尔•盖尔斯顿指出，美国人对财产和社会地位不平等的说法感到厌恶。毕竟人人生而平等是“不言而喻”的，但却被不平等的财富完全打乱。财富不均作为不公平的一种形式，是自由市场体系不可避免的产物，但多数人声称仍然对自由市场体系持有不变的信念。根据芝加哥大学政治与社会研究中心主任汤姆•史密斯的调查，发现美国人比欧洲人更加赞同这样的想法，即不平等的待遇激励人们更加努力的工作，但是，不赞成政府应当尝试消除不平等的想法。

　　That said, you might think that the normal answerwould no longer do in such abnormal times—after agreat recession and with 18m people still looking forwork. And, sure enough, every week brings a floodof complaints in the media about the rich gettingricher while the incomes of the middle class stagnateor fall. A survey for the New York Times has justreported that the median pay for top executives at200 big companies last year was little shy of $11m ayear—a mouth-watering 23% rise since 2009. JosephStiglitz, the holder of a Nobel prize in economics,claimed in Vanity Fair that the top 1% of Americans were taking in nearly a quarter of thenation’s income and controlled 40% of its wealth, though others dispute his numbers.

　　据说，也许你认为常规的答案已经不再适在这个反常的时代——大萧条以及1800万人口失业。而且，不出所料的是，媒体上每周都有大量的牢骚，抱怨有钱人越来越有钱而中产阶级的收入没有增加或者减少。纽约时报的一份调查显示，去年，200家大公司的首席执行官的年薪平均为将近1100万美元——自2009年以来，达到令人羡慕的23%的年增长率。诺贝尔经济学奖得主约瑟夫•斯蒂格利茨在《名利场》一书中声称：美国最富有的1%的人口持有将近全美国四分之一的收入并且控制着美国40%的资产，但很多人对他的数据存在争议。

　　As to whether such disparities should matter, that question has puzzled philosophers at leastsince the Enlightenment. This column proposes no definitive answer this week. The point hereis only that Americans do not seem to mind about the widening inequality of income andwealth as much as you might expect them to in current circumstances. By and large, they havepreferred opportunity to levelling; equality of opportunity rather than equality of outcome.The trouble with this is that America is a long way from providing equal opportunity. Childrenborn into the bottom fifth of the income distribution are nearly five times as likely to end theirlives there as those from families in the top fifth. Indeed, social scientists are no longer surewhether it is still easier to climb the ladder in the “classless” United States than it is in thesupposedly class-hobbled lands of Western Europe.

　　对于这样的不公平是否应当引起重视，这个问题自启蒙运动以来就一直困扰着哲学家们。本专栏在本周不打算给出明确的答案，我们的重点是：当前情况下，似乎只有美国人不关心收入和财富差距越来越大，也许没有你期待的那么强烈。总体上来说，他们更喜欢机遇而不是公平，更喜欢机遇平等而不是结果平等。这种想法带来的问题是美国人一直以来提供公平的机遇。收入分配最低的5%的人中，其孩子出生后几乎有5倍的可能享受与收入最高5%人中的孩子一样的生活。的确，社会科学家已经不再确定在美国“无阶级”社会中攀登幸福生活的阶梯是否要比据称有等级阻碍的西欧国家更加容易。

　　What are vote-seeking politicians to make of this? That the American people appear to havekept faith in the hardest of times with the idea of leaving it mainly to markets rather thangovernments to allocate life’s material rewards strikes many Republicans as a marvellous thing—the glorious opposite of what happened in the 1930s, when the economically stricken turnedto government for succour. In the case of the recent collapse, runs the Republican argument,misplaced government intervention—such as the egalitarian nonsense of extending credit forhome-ownership to those who could not really afford it—was at least as much to blame asthe excesses of the private sector. That, to judge by the eruption of the tea-partymovement, is the verdict of many non-aligned Americans too. So the Grand Old Party isbetting on this anti-government wave restoring it to power in 2012.

　　寻求选票的政客们怎么看待这个问题呢?美国人民似乎在最艰难的年代也信心十足，因为他们坚持让市场而不是政府去分配生活物资奖励，打击了很多共和党人的不可思议事情发生了——当20世纪30年代经济大衰退向政府寻求救援时，所发生的一切的光辉对立面。最近金融危机的事例中，共和党中争论不断，政府干涉错位——诸如将房产拥有者的信贷扩大到那些甚至无力偿还的人的荒谬平等主义——至少怪罪于私有部门的失误操作。从茶党运动的爆发来判断，也是很多持中立态度的美国人的最终答案。因此，美国共和党断言这股反政府浪潮能促使他们在2012年重建他们的政权。

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