2015考研英语阅读英文原刊《经济学人》：政治遗传学

　　Between the ages of 21 and 25, that had shrunk to 60% for identical twins and 40% forfraternal twins. Clearly, then, genes matter.

　　21到25岁，同卵双胞胎的这个数值减小到了60%，而异卵双胞胎只有40%。那很明显，基因影响。

　　Nor do they merely affect a person's opinions.

　　基因不仅仅影响一个人的意见。

　　They also affect his level of political engagement.

　　它们也影响人的政治参与水平。

　　This was shown in a study published in 2008 by James Fowler of the University of California,San Diego.

　　2008年公布的一项研究-研究者是位于圣地亚哥的美国加州大学的詹姆斯福勒揭示了这点。

　　Dr Fowler and his team analysed the voter-registration records of identical and fraternaltwins from Los Angeles, and also from a more nationally representative database.

　　福勒博士和他的团队分析了洛杉矶市的同卵和异卵双胞胎的选民登记记录，也对更多有代表性的国家数据库的数据进行了分析。

　　They found that identical twins are 53% more likely either both to register or both not toregister than are fraternal twins.

　　他们发现，在登记或者不登记这点上，53%的同卵双胞胎的选择可能相同，远远高于异卵双胞胎。

　　Political signals

　　政治信号

　　Twins studies like these unequivocally demonstrate the heritability of politically relatedbehaviour.

　　像这样的双胞胎研究明确地证实了有关政治行为的遗传性。

　　What they do not do, though, is explain the underlying biology.

　　虽然他们不这样做解释了基本生物学原理。

　　That is an area which is only now starting to be explored.

　　这是一个现在刚刚开始进行探索的领域。

　　In 2010 a study published by Dr Fowler and his colleagues implicated a gene known asDRD4in the development of political affiliation.

　　2010年，福勒博士和他的同事公布的一项研究暗示，被称为多巴胺D4受体基因是政治立场发展过程的关键因素。

　　DRD4 encodes a receptor molecule for a neurotransmitter called dopamine.

　　DRD4对一种称为多巴胺的神经传递素的受体分子进行了编码。

　　Those with a variant of DRD4 called 7R, and also a large network of friends acquired duringtheir adolescence, tended to be liberals—ie, left wing.

　　那些带有称为7R的DRD4的变异体，在他们青春期也需要一个朋友圈的人，往往会成为自由派，即左翼。

　　One interesting point about this observation is that it requires both a genetic input and anenvironmental one to take effect.

　　这次观察的一个有趣的地方是，政治背景的形成需要一种遗传性输入，也需要环境输入才能产生影响。

　　DRD4-7R has previously been associated with novelty-seeking behaviour.

　　长外以来，DRD4-7R一直与寻求新颖的行为有所关联。

　　The authors of the paper speculate that the interaction of that tendency with possibleexposure to lots of different ideas held by lots of different people might push an individual ina leftwardly direction.

　　本文作者猜测，许多不同持不同观念的人可能会相互接触，而他们之间的相互影响可能会让他们成为左翼阵营。

　　Following up on Dr Fowler's work, research published earlier this year by a team led by DrHatemi found a further 11 genes, different varieties of which might be responsible forinclining people towards liberalism or conservatism in the way that Gilbert described.

　　今年初，在福勒博士研究的基础上，哈特米博士领导的团队公布了他们的继续研究成果。他们发现，还有11个各不相同的基因，它们可能影响了人们对自由派或者保守派的倾向，而这却是吉尔伯特在那首小诗中描述到的。

　　These included genes involved in the regulation of three neurotransmitters—dopamine,glutamate and serotonin—and also G-protein-coupled receptors, which react to a widevariety of stimulants.

　　这些基因包括了参与调节三种神经传递素-多巴安，谷氨酸和5-羟色胺-的基因，它们也参与调节G-蛋白偶联受体。

　　Most astonishingly, the researchers found that olfactory receptors are also implicated, givinga whole, new twist to the idea that someone's political platform smells wrong.

　　最令人惊讶的是，研究者发现，嗅觉受体也牵连其中，提出了一个新的，整体颠覆性的观念，即人的政治纲领闻起来是错误的。

　　The word inclining is important.

　　这个倾向要注意。

　　No one is suggesting that there are particular genes, or versions of genes for liberalismor conservatism. But inclinations there do seem to be.

　　没有人认为，有什么特别基因，或者说带有自由主义或者保守主义基因的这种说法。

　　Moreover, direct studies of genes also support what the twins studies suggest about politicalengagement, independent of opinion.

　　但是，这种倾向又似乎存在。而且，对基因的直接研究也支持双胞胎研究上有关政治参与、独立意见的结果。

　　In particular, work by Dr Fowler implicates another dopamine receptor, DRD2, and also5HTT, which regulates serotonin levels, in influencing voter turnout.

　　特别是，福勒博士的研究暗示了另一种多巴胺受体-多巴胺D2受体，还有五羟色胺转运基因-功能是调节血清素水平，这些基因都影响到选民的投票率。

　　People with versions of these genes that increase the effect of the neurotransmitter aremore likely to vote than those with low-activity versions.

　　拥有这些增加神经传递素效力的基因变体的人，他们比那些拥有相同基因，但活性较低的人更有可能参加选举投票。

　　The will and the way

　　愿望和方式

　　The third part of the question, though, is how this all links up with the fundamental driver ofbiology, evolution.

　　这个问题的第三部分则是分析这些是怎样和生物学的基本驱动力-进化连接起来的。

　　The suggestion of Dr Hatemi and Dr McDermott is that political action is the collectiveexpression of some pretty primal biological motives: those of survival and procreation.

　　哈特米博士和德默特博士认为，政治行为是一些很原始的生物性动机的集中表达：那些生存和繁衍的原始生物动机。

　　Deciding whether or not to be part of a particular group, whom else to admit to your group,how to keep or share resources, and how much sexual freedom to afford oneself, one'sneighbours and one's children are all, and always have been, lively matters of politicaldebate.

　　确定是不是一个特别团体的一部分，其他人是不是承认你这个团体，怎样保存或者共享资源，自己可以承担多少的性自由，一个人的邻居和孩子，这些都是原始的生物性动机，还有政治辩论一直以来的热闹事项等。

　　But they are also all matters that have an impact on the crucial Darwinian business ofgetting genes into the next generation.

　　但是它们也对达尔文重要理论--提取基因以塑造优秀下一代的研究-有一定影响。

　　Dr Hatemi and Dr McDermott are not suggesting genetic factors directly create ideologiesthat relate to these matters.

　　哈特米和麦克德莫特博士都不相信，基因因素直接导致了与这些事务相关的思想意识。

　　They are suggesting, though, that genes assist in deciding which opinions an individual willfind it most attractive to cleave to.

　　但是，他们认为，基因对决定个人发现并坚持他认为的更有吸引力的意见有一定的辅助作用。

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